Here are several comments on the controversy over certain interrogation methods used by the United States in the early days after 9/11 and whether they might constitute torture. 1.
Probably the best comment on this whole question was made by Director of National Dennis Bair who talked about how easy it is to judge "on a bright sunny day in April 2009." It is hard to remember how we felt that day almost eight years ago and the days that followed: the fear, even expectation, of another attack; the flags flying from houses up and down the block; the determination to fight back. According to Porter Goss, chair of the House Intelligence Committee from 1997 to 2005, and later CIA director, when the leaders of the House and Senate intelligence committees were briefed on what our intelligence agencies were doing to get information to protect us from further attacks after 9/11, the concerns were whether we were doing enough, not that we were doing too much. But now that have been no attacks for over seven years, it is easy to forget. And it is easy to judge people on standards that few would have applied back then.
2.
The media has reported that President Obama has said individual CIA agents who followed legal advice in using these harsh interrogation techniques will not be prosecuted. However, if I were a CIA agent, I would not feel at all comfortable – for a couple of reasons.
First, and most obviously, two days after Rahm Emanuel said on a Sunday news show that nobody in the Bush administration would be prosecuted for their roles in these matters, President Obama said that, while CIA officers would not be prosecuted, it was up to Attorney General Holder whether top people would be prosecuted. With even more documents scheduled to be released in the near future, who knows which way the wind will be blowing a year from now and whether the administration might change its mind again. And even if President Obama doesn’t change his mind, what might some private group or some foreign government try to do – or even some members of Congress?
Second, look closely at what President Obama said:
"For those who carried out some of these operations within the four corners of legal opinions or guidance that had been provided from the White House, I do not think it’s appropriate for them to be prosecuted."
Note the President’s wording. He did not say these people are not going to be prosecuted. He said they would not be prosecuted as long as they operated "within the four corners of legal opinions or guidance" they were given. This "four corners" language is a big loophole in the President’s commitment to not prosecute. What is or is not within the "four corners" of the official advice may not be clear. Also, it is likely there will be situations that are not specifically covered by the advice. Then you have to interpret: How do these circumstances fit within the "four corners" of the advice? Proving that every single one of your actions was within the "four corners" of the formal advice will not be easy, especially when the alleged victims will lie and many of your fellow citizens already think you are guilty.
Third, if your boss orders you to do something illegal or if the legal advice you receive is determined to be illegal, how can following that order or advice be okay? Following orders is not a defense when the orders are illegal.
3.
One of the silliest comments in the whole debate is this one from Paul Krugman in last Friday’s The New York Times:
"What about the argument that investigating the Bush administration’s abuses will impede efforts to deal with the crises of today? Even if that were true — even if truth and justice came at a high price — that would arguably be a price we must pay: laws aren’t supposed to be enforced only when convenient. But is there any real reason to believe that the nation would pay a high price for accountability?
For example, would investigating the crimes of the Bush era really divert time and energy needed elsewhere? Let’s be concrete: whose time and energy are we talking about?
Tim Geithner, the Treasury secretary, wouldn’t be called away from his efforts to rescue the economy. Peter Orszag, the budget director, wouldn’t be called away from his efforts to reform health care. Steven Chu, the energy secretary, wouldn’t be called away from his efforts to limit climate change. Even the president needn’t, and indeed shouldn’t, be involved. All he would have to do is let the Justice Department do its job — which he’s supposed to do in any case — and not get in the way of any Congressional investigations.
I don’t know about you, but I think America is capable of uncovering the truth and enforcing the law even while it goes about its other business."
The truly amazing thing about this quote is that Mr. Krugman seems to actually believe it, even though it is, obviously, nonsense. Messrs. Geithner, Orszag and Chu may not be involved in these investigations, but Congress will be, as Mr. Krugman says. Congress’ involvement in the investigations it is conducting, and its interest in investigations others are conducting, will take time and attention away from other issues. Regardless of what Mr. Krugman may think should happen, with these investigations proceeding, Congress will not have enough time to deal with all of the programs President Obama is proposing.
Also, to get big programs passed and implemented, you need media coverage, to involve the people and the Congress. Maybe it shouldn’t be necessary, but it is. And if "torture" investigations are continuing, every article on those investigations will mean less space is available for other things.
And the public’s attention will be diverted, too. Maybe people ought to be able to follow three or four or five big stories at once, but they can’t – and they won’t. Perhaps there are some so interested in politics that they will do it. But real people won’t. They have jobs to do, children to raise, churches to attend*; in other words, they have lives to live. If investigations are continuing, other matters will get less attention. And without broad public support, many of Obama’s programs aren’t going to get passed, no matter what Mr. Krugman may think.
Whether this is good or bad may be a difference of opinion.
4.
A final comment. President Obama has won the battle as to what "torture"/harsh interrogation techniques the United States will use in the future. He’s president and he gets to decide. As for the past, President Obama has said (see above) that we will not prosecute CIA officers who did their jobs in reliance on legal advice they were given (as long as their actions were within the "four corners" of that advice). Prosecution of higher-ups, however, is to be left to the Attorney General. I commented above on some of the problems with this position. Therefore, let me suggest another way to proceed, one that fits with the President’s other stated desire, to move forward.
President Obama likes to compare himself to Abraham Lincoln (to the point of using the same Bible Lincoln used to take the oath of office and even taking a train into Washington for his inauguration). With that in mind, consider what President Lincoln said in his Second Inaugural Address:
"With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."
Lincoln spoke of charity for all, not just charity for the enlisted men or lower level officers. Thirty-six days later, at Appomattox Courthouse, the surrender terms that General Ulysses S. Grant gave to Robert E. Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia put President Lincoln’s words into practice:
"The officers to give their individual paroles not to take up arms against the Government of the United States until properly exchanged, and each company or regimental commander sign a like parole for the men of their commands. … This done, each officer and man will be allowed to return to their homes, not to be disturbed by United States authority so long as they observe their paroles and the laws in force where they may reside."
In other words, the entire Army of Northern Virginia was allowed to merely go home. Once again, it was not just the enlisted men or the lieutenants and captains. It was the entire army, including Robert E. Lee himself. And what Robert E. Lee and the other generals in the Army of Northern Virginia did was a whole lot worse than writing legal memos defining what might or might not be torture. They committed treason, and it resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths. And yet President Lincoln knew what we needed to do to start re-uniting our country – and General Grant did it.
Is President Obama willing to do the same? Will his party let him?
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* Some of us also have baseball teams to follow.
Update (4/28/09 12:30 a.m.): I changed the title and corrected a typo in the fouirth paragrpah of #4.
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