Both Human Rights Watch and
Amnesty International issued reports on Tuesday claiming that civilian deaths
from U.S. drone strikes are much higher than the Obama administration has
admitted and claiming that the United States is not following the standards
President Obama set for drone strikes in a speech he gave last May.
According to a report in The
Washington Post:
“In
Yemen, Human Rights Watch investigated six selected airstrikes since 2009 and
concluded that at least 57 of the 82 people killed were civilians, including a
pregnant woman and three children who perished in a September 2012 attack.
In
Pakistan, Amnesty International investigated nine suspected U.S. drone strikes
that occurred between May 2012 and July 2013 in the territory of North
Waziristan. The group said it found
strong evidence that more than 30 civilians were killed in four of the attacks.”
With respect to the standards that
the groups are claiming the strikes violated, The Wall Street Journal described
them as follows:
“[T]hat a terrorist pose ‘a continuing and imminent threat’
to Americans; that no other government can address the threat effectively; and
that there is ‘near-certainty’ no civilians will be killed or injured.”
Three comments.
First, regarding the use of
drones: I understand the advantages
of drones. They are much more accurate
that bombing by airplanes. Our people
are not put in danger. They probably
have a lower chance of avoiding civilian/innocent casualties than even a ground
attack.
On the
other hand, drones raise all kinds of practical and, unfortunately, legal
questions. For example, drone attacks seem
very close to assassination. Is that
okay? Also, how do you determine when
you can use them? They’re not law
enforcement, so they must be some kind of war.
But how do you determine who is the enemy? When was the war declared or authorized? What about attacking people in another
country’s territory? When is that okay:
sometimes, always, only if the other country can’t or won’t do something itself,
etc.? I don’t have the time or the
knowledge to even list all of these questions, let alone answer them, but there
are a lot, and the answers are not necessarily clear or easy.
Also, when
you use a drone to kill somebody, you are giving up the chance to interrogate
them. (You do, however, avoid the
problem of where to send them for questioning and how long to keep them; i.e.,
“Gitmo”-type questions. There are some
who wonder whether avoiding such issues is one reason the Obama administration
has used drones so much. {Sorry for the
cynicism.})
Finally,
drones can cause problems for the U.S. with the people we are trying to
protect. A report in The New York Times
earlier this week talked about the effects drones can have on communities where
attacks are made:
“In interviews over the past year, residents [of Miram
Shah, a Pakistani frontier town] paint a portrait of extended terror and strain
within a tribal society caught between vicious militants and the American
drones hunting them.
‘The drones are like the angels of death,’ said Nazeer
Gul, a shopkeeper in Miram Shah. ‘Only
they know when and where they will strike.’ …
[Miram Shah] has become a fearful and paranoid town,
dealt at least 13 drone strikes since 2008, with an additional 25 in adjoining
districts — more than any other urban settlement in the world.
Even when the missiles do not strike, buzzing drones
hover day and night, scanning the alleys and markets with roving
high-resolution cameras. …
While the strike rate has dropped drastically in recent
months, the constant presence of circling drones — and accompanying tension
over when, or whom, they will strike — is a crushing psychological burden for
many residents.”
In other
words, there are lots of issues with the use of drones. It’s not simple. And if you think it’s complicated now, wait
until someone flies one over us.
Second, President Obama’s rules
for using drones: Reading them (see the quote from The Wall
Street Journal above), they almost sound as if there were written for a
textbook. Certainly, if you are trying
to justify the use of drones, especially to people who don’t like the concept
of them, they look great.
On the
other hand, I wonder how realistic they are.
They sound more like the kind of thing somebody like President Obama
would have included in a campaign speech when he was a senator running to be
president than something that would work in the real world. For example, if there must be a “near-certainty”
of no civilian casualties before a drone can be used, how can we ever use them? Where is the allowance for the fog of
war? Are people being set up for
violating them, so commanders can claim it’s not their fault? Where are the shades of gray?
Third, so what do we do?
Drones aren’t perfect. But the
world isn’t, either. Unless you don’t
want to use drones and you are writing the rules so they can’t effectively be
used, the rule can’t be that drones can only be used if you never make a
mistake. That’s not going to
happen. If you are willing to use
drones, you have to allow for mistakes.
So, given
all the problems and concerns, should we use drones? The thing to remember, when you look at the problems
supposedly caused by drones, you cannot assume, if there were no drones, there
would be no problems.
Consider
Hiram Shah, the town mentioned in the New York Times article quoted
above. Drones may be causing some
problems for the town, but they’re not the only cause. Communications are difficult in Hiram Shah,
but that has nothing to do with the drones. The Pakistani army disabled the cellphone
networks (to make it harder for the militants to communicate) and the Taliban closed
the Internet cafes (because young men were using them to watch pornography).
Also, The
New York Times notes:
“[A] semblance of normal life continues in Miram
Shah. On market day, farmers herding
goats and carrying vegetables stream in from the surrounding countryside. The bustling bazaar has clothes and food and
gun shops.”
Beyond
that, problems such as the collapse of state services in Hiram Shah are largely
because of the presence of Taliban and other militants terrorizing the town,
not because of the drones. In fact, the
drones and any problems they cause are there because of terrorists, not vice
versa. If the terrorists leave, so do
the drones.
Also, one
should not assume that, if the drones left, innocent civilians would no longer
be killed or hurt. On the same day the
articles mentioned above appeared, Bret Stephens wrote in The Wall Street Journal
about what is happening in Iraq: Last
Sunday alone, 54 Iraqis were killed and 70 more were injured in two suicide
bombings. In fact, 7,000 Iraqi civilians
have been killed so far this year. And
those are deliberate.
Drones are difficult. It would be nice if we did not have to use them,
for all kinds of reasons. But it is
ultimately a question of balance. There
are some really evil people out there that have to be fought. They are not going to go away just because we
would like them to. It is difficult to
know the best way to fight them. But
when self-appointed judges point fingers because what we are doing is not
perfect and because we make mistakes, we have to remember that perfect isn’t the
standard. We can only use the tools we
have to fight the enemy we must.
Sometimes drones are the best available tool. When that is true, we need to use them,
though we need to do so as carefully as reasonably possible. When we make mistakes, we must make it up to
the people involved, but we also need to remember that the alternative to not
using drones is, in most cases, very much worse than what may come from any mistakes
we make in using them. That is not a
justification for not being careful, and it is not a justification for not correcting
any mistakes we do make. It is just a
request that we judge people based on the real world we live in, not some
pretend world we might like to live in.
Recent Comments